Evaluating democratic governance: A bottom up approach to European Union enlargement

Although analyses of democracy and governance may be complementary rather than in conflict, they are not identical. This article compares the EU criteria for evaluating applicants for membership with those of democracy indexes. It uses data from the 13- country New Europe Barometer surveys of public opinion to provide a bottom up evaluation of democratic governance in Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia and Ukraine. The results are compared, point by point, with the minimum evaluation of governance in the eight Central and East European countries admitted to the EU in 2004. Factor analysis confirms statistically that these measures are multi-dimensional; in other words, democratic governance cannot be reduced to a one-dimensional index of democracy. The conclusion emphasizes the advantages of thinking in terms of democratic governance not only for diagnosing and prescribing governmental reforms but also for academics monitoring democratization as a process that may only be partially successful. --

Evaluating the quality of society and public services

A person’s quality of life is not only shaped by individual choices and behaviour: the surrounding environment and the public services on offer have a big influence on how people perceive the society they live in and on their evaluation of their own quality of life. Institutions influence the quality of society through collective actions that individuals cannot undertake themselves: for example maintaining schools, hospitals and roads. Public policies are also responsible for ensuring that water and air are not polluted, and for reducing tensions between different social groups. If public policies are effective and these services are provided to a high standard, the quality of society will improve, with a positive impact on the overall quality of life of citizens. This is why European policymakers and citizens share a common concern regarding the quality of society and public services: the actions of policymakers should contribute to improving the quality of citizens’ lives. To evaluate whether this is in fact happening, one needs to look beyond objective measures of material wealth such as gross domestic product (GDP) and find out how citizens assess the conditions in their society. The second European Quality of Life Survey (EQLS), carried out by the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions (Eurofound) in 2007, asks European citizens to evaluate multiple aspects of quality of society. The result is a comprehensive picture of the diverse social realities in the 27 EU Member States, in Norway, Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Turkey

Intraportfolio Litigation Essay

The modern trend is for investors to diversify. Shareholders who own one S&P 500 firm tend to own many of the others as well. This trend casts doubt on the traditional compensation and deterrence rationales for legal rules that hold corporations liable for the acts of their agents. Today, when A Corp sues B Corp (for breach of contract, theft of trade secrets, or any other legal wrong), many of the same shareholders own both the plaintiff and the defendant. For these shareholders, damages just shift money from one pocket to another, minus of course lawyer fees. We offer here a new rationale for corporate liability in such cases of “intraportfolio litigation.” Although corporae managers are typically rewarded for maximizing firm profits, what shareholders really care about is overall portfolio value. Firm-on-firm lawsuits can reduce principal-agent conflict by assigning intraportfolio costs to the managers responsible for them. Firm-specific financial data thus become a better tool for diversified shareholders to use in motivating and evaluating managers. Not all intraportfolio litigation can be justified on informational grounds, however. For example, securities fraud class actions against corporations lack informational value because the damages awards overstate the intraportfolio harm. Our theory thus provides lawmakers with a framework for distinguishing between value-creating and value-destroying lawsuits among diversified shareholders

Election outcomes and maximizing turnout: Modelling the effect

An election outcome reflects institutional, behavioural and attitudinal influences. We set out a model showing it is a function of the electoral system, the offices at stake and the number of parties competing as well as the choices of voters and the level of turnout. Therefore, any attempt to estimate the impact of increased turnout on an election outcome must go beyond a comparison of the party preferences of voters and non-voters. This paper presents a model which integrates six different types of influences that collectively determine election outcomes. It demonstrates empirically that maximum turnout falls well short of 100 percent turnout. It also shows the effect of proportional representation and multiple parties in reducing the net benefit that any one party could expect from increased turnout and the inadequacy of using shares of the popular vote to predict increased turnout effects in the United States. It leaves open the normative debate between advocates of civic participation and the libertarian value of being free not to vote. --

Explaining Forward Exchange Bias..Intraday

Intraday interest rates are zero. Consequently, a foreign exchange dealer can short a vulnerable currency in the morning, close this position in the afternoon, and never face an interest cost. This tactic might seem especially attractive in times of crisis, since it suggests an immunity to the central bank's interest rate defense. In equilibrium, however, buyers of the vulnerable currency must be compensated on average with an intraday capital gain as long as no devaluation occurs. That is, currencies under attack should typically appreciate intraday. Using data on intraday exchange rate changes within the EMS, we find this prediction is borne out.

Addressing the challenges of school exclusion for pupils labeled as having ADHD: a response to Fintan O’Regan’s Exclusion from school and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder

In his paper Exclusion from school and attention –deficit/hyperactivity disorder Fintan O’Regan presents an opinion of the ways in which schools should consider the management of pupils who challenge the education system. In so doing he focuses upon "within pupil" problems and suggests that there is a specific population that presents difficulties to school. This paper challenges O'Regan's views and places an alternative emphasis upon ecological factors which, if addressed may lessen the perceived difficulties presented by some childre

To understand inclusion we must first examine the causes of exclusion

The promotion of inclusive education has become a focus of international debate. Research which has considered teacher attitudes towards disability, the efficacy of inclusion policies and the ability of schools to address the needs of specific individuals with a range of needs has dominated the literature in this area. The causes of exclusion have received some attention, though often with a narrow focus upon single disability issues of other factors such as poverty or social class. In this paper I suggest the need for a more holistic approach to understanding the causes of exclusion. Placing current developments in a historical context I will suggest that there are parallels between current attitudes and expectations and those of the recent past and that these are inhibiting the assurance of equity and justice. Finally I provide indicators of the effectiveness and benefits of inclusion by drawing upon recent research and evidence that indicates the need to continue to address the challenges of marginalisation and exclusion

While the UK prepares for Brexit, the SNP are laying the groundwork for a new independence referendum

The Scottish Government has indicated that it may call a second independence referendum as a result of the UK’s decision to leave the EU. Richard Rose writes that the SNP are already establishing the foundations for a new independence campaign and Scotland’s First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, may quickly propose legislation for another referendum once the UK triggers Article 50